Healing dysfunctional communities in a context of religion and cult?

Colliding thrones: Lama kunzang (Robert Spatz) -> Dilgo KR -> Longchenpa (photo: OKCinfo)

Originally, “superstitio” seems to have been the name given to non-Roman, foreign or barbarian cults. These cults were feared for various reasons : “fear of disturbing the pax deorum [religious order] in a strongly religious sense to a fear of political subversion as a means of conspiracy[1]”, because they were sometimes thought to be monstrous (e.g. the cult of the Gauls), but also because of an excessive submission (devotion) to a cult. Under the influence of the Greek word deisidaimonia (“fear of the divine”), “superstitio’s” became to be considered as “religious acts or practices, and the anxieties or fears that inspired them” (Richard Gordon[2])[1]

“Superstition meant a free citizen's forgetting his dignity by throwing himself into the servitude of deities conceived as tyrants. The civic ideal of piety (see pietas) was envisaged as honouring the gods while preserving one's freedom—that is, with restraint and measure[3].”

In 186 B.C.E. the Bacchic rites (a mystery cult) were suppressed in Rome, because they were considered a threat to the religious peace and political order of the Roman empire. In the account from the historian Livy about this affair we learn how a senator explained:

“I have thought that these warnings should be given to so that no superstitious fears (superstitio) disturb your minds when you see us destroying the Bacchic shrines and breaking up wicked assemblies. This we will do if the gods are favorable and willing.”

Thus the Bacchic rites were declared to be a “superstitio” and a threat to the religious order (Roman polytheism) and traditional Roman mores (mos maiorum). But a superstitio was not yet considered as ‘a cult of the wrong gods’, like it would be from the time of Cicero (1st century B.C.) onwards.

“Cicero[4]’s etymology, the Christian professor of rhetoric makes short work of the distinction between religio and superstitio: Religion is of course the worship of what is true, and superstition is the worship of what is false . . . . ‘Superstitious’ is the word for those who worship quantities of false gods, and ‘religious’ is for us who pray to the one true God.” (Gordon)

The early church fathers turned the tables of deisdaimonia/superstitio and made the Roman gods idols and their oracles the mouthpieces of daemones. For St Augustine of Hippo (354–430), other mouthpieces were certain conventional signs (signa data), including superstitions, that could serve as a medium “through which men and demons can communicate”[5]. The Roman emperor Constantine already had given Christians unrestricted freedom of worship (313), and the eastern Emperor Theodosius II (c.408–50) went even farther issuing a code that banned all “pagan” (= non-Christian) rites as superstitio (438)[6].

This didn’t mean that ‘Superstitious’ rituals were not necessarily ineffectual acts vis-à-vis the gods (Gordon), but they were no longer considered as a part of the mother religion or state religion. If certain subgroups of Christians followed (secta) different doctrines and/or practices, then they could be considered as cult groups (secta) according to Christian heresiology.

“In the church-sect typology, sects are defined as voluntary associations of religiously qualified persons: membership is not ascribed at birth but results from the free acceptance of the sect's doctrine and discipline by the follower, and from the continuous acceptance of the follower by the sect. Sects tend to draw disproportionately from the underprivileged elements of society, and are usually created by schisms within churches, which are aligned with the dominant social structure. They are often decrying liberal trends in denominational development and advocating a return to true religion; their beliefs and practices tend to be more radical and ethically stern than those of churches, and constitute an act of protest against the values of the rest of society.” (Wikipedia[7])

After the European Enlightenment, the word superstition no longer referred to an illicit religion (superstitio illicita), i.e. anything that deviated from the orthopraxis of a church, but rather to anything that was added to "natural religion" (Voltaire), or to "a religion enlightened by reason" (Montesquieu). Superstition henceforth referred to any irrational belief, "which adds a supernatural or sacred character to certain phenomena, certain acts, certain words".

In the 17th century, Jesuit missionaries and Chinese converts to Christianity began to use the term more frequently in their writings. The missionaries called Chinese practices such as burning paper money etc. "superstitio", and the Chinese converts called Chinese doctrines (jiao) heretical. It was towards the end of the Qing Dynasty (1644 to 1912), that the term began to be used in an Enlightenment sense, denoting the various practices of (“pagan”) rituals and cults that did not fall under the category of the only licit "religion", that was Christianity, and in this case Catholicism.

During the Tibetan empire, Buddhism King Trisong Detsen (755–797 CE) established Tibetan Buddhism as the official religion of the state. It was adopted as the de facto state religion by the Mongol Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) of Kublai Khan[8]. From the great fifth Dalai-lama onwards (1595–1657 CE), the Ganden Phodrang and the successive Gelug tulku lineages of the Dalai Lamas and Panchen Lamas maintained regional control of Tibet (wikipedia) until the Chinese invasion in 1959. The 14th Dalai Lama was the leader of the Tibetan government in exile until 2011 when he resigned as a political leader “while retaining his place at the apogee of Tibetan Buddhism” (The Economist). Tibetan Buddhism is also the state religion of the Kingdom of Bhutan.

Whilst being a “state religion” Tibetan Buddhism has different “sects”, schools, or lineages, each of which has their own spiritual leader (often called His Holiness or His Eminence). Collectively the Dalai-lama and the lineage leaders can take decisions on matters that concern Tibetan Buddhism. Samuel Geoffry writes about the TB situation in the West :

“The characteristic context, I would suggest, of Tibetan Buddhism in the West is that of a national or international network, generally centred around the teachings of a single individual lama. Among the larger ones are the Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition (FPMT), which I have already mentioned, now headed by Lama Zopa and the child-reincarnation of Lama Yeshe; the New Kadampa, in origin a breakaway from the FPMT; the Shambhala network, deriving from Chögyam Trungpa’s organisation and now headed by his son; and the networks assocated with Namkhai Norbu Rinpoche (the Dzogchen Community) and Sogyal Rinpoche (Rigpa)[9].”

Each of the mentioned organisations had issues with abuse. The Dalai-lama only intervened in the Shugden controversy. In 2008 the Dorje Shugden controversy had led to formal “schism” within the Gelug school. On several occasions[10] the Dalai-lama announced actions to counter abuse by Buddhist teachers, but with no concrete consequences. Around three years ago (2019?), he would have told Josh Baran that he didn’t want to deal with these problems anymore (Open Buddhism, Not in His Wheelhouse) : “I can’t control these people. I can’t do anything.”

Among “these people” are the above mentioned lamas and their saṅgha’s, and of course the lineages to which they belong. By the often repeated declarations of many TB experts, none of these can be controlled, at least not by any TB institution. Abuse in Western saṅgha’s can only be dealt with internally on an ad hoc basis, by Western students, Western Buddhist Unions, The Home Offices, mainstream media and other institutions of Western countries in which TB is established. In case of criminal matters, Police and Justice will deal with those—but only if members of these communities choose to involve them.

Letter of endorsement 09/02/1994, Kashag,
Cabinet Office of HH the Dalai-Lama

A well known Tibetan proverb (or variations thereof) says “Every lama has his religion, and every valley its dialect”[11]. The Dalai-lama also declared that disciples make a teacher (guru). if a guru has students, than he’s a guru[12]. From a Western or Christian point of view, a guru is therefore a total free-wheeler, controlled by nobody. If he has students, then he’s a guru. If other gurus come and visit him, invite him, endorse or recommend him, etc., then he’s their peer, their colleague, in other words a guru. As the Dalai-lama said “no piece of paper certifies a spiritual teacher. You are a lama because you have students”.

Therefore, Tibetan Buddhism teaches, it is important that a guru/lama has his own lamas and is thus affiliated to a lineage. Having a guru is a guarantee for the authenticity of his own lineage, but, as we have seen, not for the teaching. “Every lama his own teaching”. Trungpa was an authentic lama, a recognized tulku, belonging to an authentic lineage, and who had authentic gurus, who were important Kagyu and Nyingma lineage holders. When Trungpa started developing his own teaching (Vajradhatu, Shambala, etc.), his lamas supported him in this. When Trungpa wanted to become the Master-King of his Shambala community, Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche crowned him king with the same ceremony as the one he used for the crowning of the King of Bhutan. When he saw Trungpa in a colonial uniform, his Vajra guards, his butlers and maidens, Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche, like many other Tibetan lamas were very pleased and admiring of Trungpa’s skills. Many still are today…

The Dalai-lama received many letters (1989) informing him about abuse from a very early time on, including from students of Trungpa (1993), who mentioned being scared, which the Dalai-lama found strange (1993).[2] He seemed to have discussed this with Dilgo KR, who reassured him that Trungpa had a genuine realization. What had happened at the Halloween Party (1975 “Buddha-gate”) had also been published in the Tibetan Review (1979). The Dalai-lama knew of sex abuse by Buddhist teachers since 1990s, “I already did know these things, nothing new.” Yet, the first time that the Dalai-lama spoke about a specific lama, Sogyal Lakar, was in the aftermath of the Open letter (14/07/2017)[13] by eight former long-term senior Rigpa devotees. “Now recently Sogyal Rinpoche, my very good friend, he [is] disgraced. So, some of his own students now made their criticism public.”

Youtube: Entrustment of Rigpa’s New Senior Teachers

Sogyal the guru wasn’t “disgraced” by the Dalai-lama, but had received criticism by some of his senior students, and the Dalai-lama took note of it as a public figure. “I already did know these things, nothing new.” Sogyal resigned, and fled to Thailand where he died in 2019. But nothing changed. The abuse of a guru is made possible by a whole web of enablers. When the guru disappears, the web is still in place. Former staff members have become senior teachers that renewed (09/07/2022) their allegiance (samaya) to Sogyal Lakar. This is also true for Trungpa’s Shambhala. Senior teachers of Rigpa and Shambhala met in Lerab Ling in February 2018. The abuse had continued after the death of Trungpa in 1987, first with the Vajra Regent Thomas Rich (1943–1990), and more recently with Trungpa’s son Sakyong Mipham.

The saṅgha’s of these fallen disgraced gurus continue to exist as webs of enablers, if nothing else changes. “Every monastery its rules, every monastery its lama, every lama his teaching”. Since Tibetan Buddhism is not Catholicism, with a Vatican, a Pope and a Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF) (Congregatio pro Doctrina Fidei), the teaching of a lama is his own business, as long as he’s properly affiliated to a lineage, shows reverence to his superiors and peers, and as long as he has students that follow him.[3]

Tibetan Buddhist hierarchs (Karmapa XVI, Dilgo KR, Kalu R I, Thrangu R., etc.) have helped to build and save local Western lineages of Western TB teachers, when they were in trouble, with no regard for victims and survivors. Saving the lineage, saving - not healing - the saṅgha was their main concern. Healing would imply wounds that need to be healed—and presuppose an accessible and detailed recorded history of the abuses. But lineage holders don’t seem to be able to admit that their lineages or saṅgha’s are sick. For them, time (and silence) will probably heal all alleged and imaginary wounds, while the same saṅgha and the same system will continue to inflict new wounds to allegedly not perfectly qualified students.

Unless Western Tibetan Buddhist saṅgha’s free themselves from the influence of traditionalist Asian Tibetan Buddhist hierarchs, and create saṅgha’s with their own conditions, the same systems will continue to create similar wounds. The nature of a lineage, and in particular a vajrayāna lineage and its necessary guru devotion (guruvāda) is such, that these links can’t be cut, because of the alleged loss of blessings and spiritual powers (siddhi). Therefore, any healing will have to take place with the Asian Tibetan Buddhist hierarchs, that are at the origin of the transmissions to Western Tibetan Buddhist students.

Exchanges between Tibetan Buddhist students about abuse and inflicted wounds on social media or anonymous platforms may give them some form of release, in that they will feel less alone and isolated, and perhaps even some individual healing, but it will leave in place the causes and conditions that allowed for the abuse and led to the wounds. Unless they unite and turn themselves to their Asian teachers with petitions, and put them under some pressure etc. “Make public”, the Dalai-lama advises in that case—although he himself routinely ignores such outing.

“Religions” can’t function in Western democracies like they used to function in the past before the Age of Enlightenment. If they do, they’d risk being considered as harmful “superstitio’s”, “cults”, that can become illicit if they were to be considered a threat to the state or to the social order. In the French law, there is none such a thing as a “cult”[14], but the Miviludes (Interministerial Mission of Vigilance and Combat against Sectarian Drifts[15]) does publish a list of criteria that allow to detect possible “sectarian drifts” or symptoms of dysfunctional groups.

When “cults” became a media issue in the 1960s, 1970s, in particular following the murder-suicides in the Jonestown community in the jungle of Guyana in 1978, they took on pejorative connotations. Therefore Religious scholars adopted the term New Religious Movements (NRMs).

“The word conveyed a stereotype that prevented objective research into these religions; moreover, NRMs were so different from one another that it was impossible to generalize about them. Instead, NRM scholars preferred to investigate each new religion separately without imposing the filter of a stereotype.
Beginning in the 1970s, people called "deprogrammers" began illegally kidnapping NRM members and attempting to undo their alleged "brainwashing," curtailing their civil liberties in the process. As a result, many NRM scholars began to advocate freedom of religion for NRMs. While scholars admit that some members of NRMs have committed abusive and illegal acts (as have members of mainstream religions and people who have no religious commitments), they advise that law enforcement agencies exercise discipline when investigating claims of wrongdoing, rather than overreacting.[16]” 

A specific instance of excessive indulgence towards NRM’s may be seen in the Shōkō Asahara case. Religious scholars were taken to task after the toxic gas attacks in Tokyo because they had failed to recognise the violent derailment of this homegrown Japanese NRM.

NRM scholars prefer to use the term “NRM” rather than the pejorative “cult” (in French “secte”). From a NRM point of view, the French Miviludes should perhaps find a different term for the criteria (e.g. “mental destabilisation”) it calls “sectarian drifts”, that BTW can also be applied to other groups than religions or NRMs. Yet, these are the historical groups to which sectarian criteria were first applied. Although the term “cult” doesn’t have any legal value, it is still often used in the French media and by anti-cult and/or militant secularist groups and activists.

Should we consider the organisations of Tibetan Buddhism in the West mentioned by Geoffrey Samuel as NRM’s or as authentic forms of traditional Tibetan Buddhism? Is the recurrent abuse found in these organisations due to it being a new (NRM) form of Tibetan Buddhism? Some of Mivilude’s “sectarian drift” criteria definitely apply to “TB NRM’s“, but also to traditional Tibetan Buddhism. If the abuse in “TB NRMs” is recurrent, it could be partly systemic. If it’s partly systemic, perhaps some of the criteria could also apply to aspects of traditional Tibetan Buddhism. If abuse is recurrent and perhaps systemic in a “TB NRM”, can it be healed? And if traditional Tibetan Buddhism needs to be healed too, how could this be done? So far Tibetan hierarchs haven’t shown much interest in acknowledging abuse and talking about abuse, let alone taking decisions.

Can we really talk about “Tibetan Buddhism” in the West, when it concretely takes on the form of different TB NRM’s, where the teachings of specific Tibetan teachers (Trungpa, Sogyal etc.), belonging to various TB sects, or their senior students are taught and practiced? What exactly is the link between “TB NRMs” and traditional multi-sectarian Tibetan Buddhism?

If we take the case of the Belgian lama Robert Spatz, we can read on the current OKC[17] website:

“In accordance with the wishes of this great master, Lama Kunzang [Robert Spatz], one of [Kyabje Kangyur Rinpoche’s] disciples in the West, founded the Ogyen Kunzang Chöling Tibetan Study Centre in Brussels in 1972, thanks to the support and advice of Kangyur Rinpoche's eldest son, Tsetrul Pema Wangyal Rinpoche. Nyima Dzong was founded in the south of France in 1974. Five years later the Ogyen Kunzang Chöling Centre in Lisbon was established, followed in 1982 by Humkara Dzong in southern Portugal and Gyatso Dzong in the heart of the Pacific Ocean in Tahiti.
The Ogyen Kunzang Chöling centres have been blessed by the presence and teachings of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Kyabje Dudjom Rinpoche, the 16th Gyalwa Karmapa, Kyabje Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche, Kyabje Trulshik Rinpoche, Shechen Rabjam Rinpoche, Khyentse Yangsi Rinpoche and other highly respected masters of Tibetan Buddhism.” [DeepL translation]

Like any other senior teacher and guru, Robert Spatz, was the master and commander of the OKC organisation. By the Dalai-lama’s definition (see above) he was a guru. His teaching was his own business, he was properly affiliated to a lineage, showed reverence to his superiors and peers, and had students that followed him. As authentic a guru as a Tibetan Buddhist guru can be. “No piece of paper certifies a spiritual teacher. You are a lama because you have students”. And yet, as soon as Robert Spatz came into trouble, all the above mentioned TB hierarchs wrote letters of endorsement, so Robert Spatz could prove his authenticity and that of his organisation to various public instances, courts, etc. Robert Spatz revered and respected his Tibetan hierarchs in that he was a generous sponsor of their many projects.

“ In 1997, when the Commission of Inquiry on Sects looked into the OKC, the turnover was around 130 million Belgian francs per year - more than three million euros. Two European Union officials pay part of their emoluments to Spatz's organisation, about 250,000 Belgian francs, €6,200, each month. But the originality of the OKC business model lies in the status of the workers who run the shops: they are all volunteers, devoted body and soul to their master[18].” [Deepl translation] Bouddhisme, la loi du silence, Élodie Emery, Wandrille Lanos, JCLattès, 2022.

The link between Western TB NRM’s and Tibetan Buddhist hierarchs is that of a “vassal network”[19]

“ On the one hand, very powerful lamas in Europe, the United States and Australia finance the construction of temples and maintain communities in India and Nepal. In exchange, the Tibetans pay these same lamas regular visits. This is an opportunity for the 'westernised' masters to shine in their local community with a seal of authenticity ‘made in Tibet’.’ [DeepL translation][20]

For the rest, every lama - including the Belgian lama Kunzang - has his own teaching. As long as the vassal link is respected, a lama enjoys every freedom of religion and of an NRM. As for the “sectarian drifts” of his NRM, these are none of the Tibetan hierarch’s business. As long as the students follow their lama, and the organisation is not bothered by “law enforcement agencies” etc. of the guest country, there is no contract breach. If some students put into question the behaviour of their teachers, then high Tibetan hierarchs may travel West, in order to call them to reason, insist they purify their engagement (samaya) with their lama, and if needed accept this or that lama or regent as their (new) lama. They may also send letters of endorsement to “law enforcement agencies” in order to guarantee that lama X is a good and authentic teacher of their lineage.

Children living apart from their parents in OKC Nyima Dzong (photo: okcinfo)

 
Reading all this some may think that, in the end, because of freedom of religion and/or of NRM’s, as long as all this (including vassal agreements) takes place between consenting adult teachers and their adult newly converted students, there is no need for any sort of external intervention. But young newly converted students can have children, they would perhaps like to raise by the principles of their newly found religion, and their lamas may provide assistance in their needs in that domain. Tibetan hierarchs who have experience in educating young monks in their own monasteries, and who are likely to be tulkus themselves, know about the education of tulkus and can help in setting up TB schools, boarding schools, etc. and provide adequate “modern” TB programmes. 

Children are not consenting adults, they are under their parents’ responsibility. If their parents impose their religion onto them, they do not enjoy freedom of religion or of NRM. If their parents entertain vassal links with their teacher, then those vassal links may extend to and weigh down on the children's lives. And that’s exactly what happened in TB NRM communities in the West, more specifically in Trungpa’s Shambala and in Robert Spatz’s OKC, where abuse of adults … and children was not uncommon. After 30 years, Robert Spatz (78 years old now) was definitely convicted in Liège (Belgium) on October 9th 2022. There has been so far no reaction from Tibetan hierarchs and no change in the vassal links of the organisation. In the Presentation of the OKC website we read:

“Since the death of Kyabje Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche in 1991, Ogyen Kunzang Chöling has come under the spiritual authority of his grandson and successor Shechen Rabjam Rinpoche, abbot of Shechen Monastery, and Pema Wangyal Rinpoche. More recently, Khyentse Yangsi Rinpoche has also blessed the Nyima Dzong and Brussels centres with his presence. Other Shechen Lamas, such as Adzom Gyalsé Rinpoche, Khenpo Gyurmé Tsultrim and Khenpo Rigzin Samdrup are regularly invited to teach at the centres, as well as other renowned teachers such as Mindroling Jetsun Khandro Rinpoche, Ringu Tulku Rinpoche and Khentchen Pema Sheab. In 2006, Khenpo Tseten, a master of Shechen studies, joined Nyima Dzong in accordance with the wishes of Rabjam Rinpoche and is currently in charge of the spiritual direction of the centres.
The aim of the Ogyen Kunzang Chöling centres is to transmit and put into practice the Buddhist teachings of the Tibetan tradition as well as to carry out any activity that contributes to the well-being and spiritual evolution of beings.
These activities also include support for other Buddhist centres and monasteries. Particular emphasis was placed in the 1990s on the development of religious education facilities in Nepal and special links were established with the monastery of Shechen. These various activities are carried out on a daily basis by the resident members of the different centres. Teaching and practice sessions open to the public are also organised on a regular basis, notably during the stay of guest Lamas[21].” [DeepL translation]

In order to “heal” the communities of TB NRM’s, will it suffice for victims and survivors of these communities to share their experiences with each other and exchange, anonymously or otherwise, and thus alleviate their suffering, and perhaps reconnect with hope for improvement? How to deal with those victims and survivors, adults or children, who don’t want to "heal" the communities that abused them and exposed them to all sorts of DARVO, and of which they were never really actively a part of? Can these communities, as they are, with "spiritual directors" that decline any responsibility, be "healed"?

I am not sure that in today’s secular France there is room for any positive consideration of “cults” (“sectes”) or NRM’s with “sectarian drifts” as New Religious Movements, that could be or are worth their while to be healed and improved, without any meaningful gestures and concessions from their Tibetan hierarchies. Especially when there's not the slightest sign pointing into that direction, on the contrary. I can imagine this must be very painful for victims and survivors who try to definitively turn their backs to those cults.

Buddhism: The Unspeakable Truth (documentary with English subtitles)

Many thanks to Rob Hogendoorn (Open Buddhism) for his help

For a glimpse of the life of a child growing up in Trungpa's Shambala, read my blog (French) about Una Morera's podcast

For the attempt of a survivor to help Shambhala heal from years of sexual violence in the Buddhist Project Sunshine, see The survivor who broke the Shambhala sexual assault story  

***

 
[1] Superstitio and the Roman Suppression of the Bacchic Cult, blog by David Reis, University of Oregon.

[2] Richard Gordon, Superstitio, Superstition and Religious Repression in the Late Roman Republic and Principate (100 BCE–300 CE).

[3] Oxford Classical Dictionary, Superstitio, John Scheid, 07/03/2016

[4] Inst. div. 4.29.11; 16.

[5] S. A. Smith, Introduction to The Religion of Fools? Superstition Past and Present

Religious symbols need to be consecrated, in order to protect them from misuse by men and demons. The rituals of consecration (or investiture) of images or stūpa are called pratiṣṭhā in Sanskrit, and rab gnas in Tibetan.

[6] S. A. Smith, Introduction to The Religion of Fools? Superstition Past and Present

[7] Dawson, Lorne L. (2009). "Church-sect-cult: Constructing Typologies of Religious Groups". In Clarke, Peter B. (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of Religion. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199588961.013.0030

[8] Wikipedia Tibetan Buddhism.

[9] Samuel, Geoffrey; Tantric Revisionings: New Understandings of Tibetan Buddhism and Indian Religion, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 2005, page 303 - 304
“An important point about these networks is their international nature. Each of the major ones is spread across several Western countries, with a number of major and minor centres in each country. To varying degrees, they also have representation in Eastern Europe and in the European parts of the former Soviet Union, and in Japan and the overseas Chinese communities of Taiwan, Singapore and Malaysia.

Many of them also have established connections with lamas and monasteries among the refugee Tibetan populations. Thus Sogyal Rinpoche’s organisation has close links with Dzogchen Monastery at the Kollegal Settlement near Mysore in southern India. The reincarnate lama who is the head of this monastery, Dzogchen Rinpoche, is Sogyal Rinpoche’s half-brother. Western students of Sogyal Rinpoche visit Kollegal and many of them attended the opening rituals of the new monastery there in January 1992. On this occasion, His Holiness the Dalai Lama gave a series of rDzogs-chen empowerments deriving from his previous reincarnation the Fifth Dalai Lama to an assembled gathering of Tibetans and Westerners.”

[10] 1989, 1993, 2018.

[11] ལུང་པ་རེ་ན་དཔོན་པོ་རེ། དཔོན་པོ་རེ་ལ་ཁྲིམས་ལུགས་རེ། དགོན་པ་རེ་ལ་བླ་མ་རེ། བླ་མ་རེ་ལ་ཆོས་ལུགས་རེ། Source: བོད་ལ་ཡང་སྲིད་ཁྲི་འདོན་ལམ་ལུགས་ཇི་ལྟར་བྱུང་བ། “Every valley its chief, every monastery its rules, every monastery its lama, every lama his teaching”.

[12] “[Jack] Engler brought up the topic by saying, ‘Every other week, I hear of another therapist who is accused of misusing power, of sexually abusing clients.’ He noted that the situation is similar in American Buddhist communities where spiritual teachers have had sexual relations with students. He explained that in the Western psychotherapeutic tradition, a therapist’s license to practice can be revoked. ‘How should we handle this with Buddhist teachers?’ he asked.
The Dalai Lama replied that part of the blame rests with the students. ‘They pamper and spoil the teacher,’ he said. He went on to explain that in the East, no piece of paper certifies a spiritual teacher. ‘You are a lama because you have students,’ he explained. He suggested that Western students take time to cultivate a relationship with a teacher. ‘Go slowly. Take two, five, ten years.’ Regard the teacher only as a spiritual friend, he instructed. He also warned against seeing all the teacher’s actions as noble and divine, adding that it is appropriate for students to criticize a teacher’s unsuitable behavior.” ‘The Elephant in the Meditation Hall”, Common Boundary issue 3, May/June 1990.

[13] Sex and Violence in Tibetan Buddhism: The Rise and Fall of Sogyal Rinpoche, Rob Hogendoorn & Mary Finnigan (2019, Jorvik Press)

[14] “Is there a definition of a cult? NO.

Respectful of all beliefs and faithful to the principles of secularism, freedom of conscience and freedom of religion, the legislator has always refused to define the notion of sect. For the same reason, there is no definition of religion in French law. These are notions that refer to the private life of each individual, by definition excluded from the field of intervention of the public authorities subject to the absence of disturbance of public order and the respect of laws and regulations.

The approach of the French legal system can be summarised by reference to Article 10 of the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which states that " No one may be disquieted for his opinions, even religious ones, provided that their manifestation does not trouble the public order established by the law."

Consequently, the French legal system is not interested in cults, beliefs, doctrines or ways of thinking as such. It is concerned with sectarian drifts, i.e. practices, methods, acts and behaviour, emanating from any group or individual, whatever its nature or activity, which undermine public order, laws and regulations, fundamental freedoms and the security or integrity of individuals through the use of techniques of subjection, pressure or threats, or through practices which encourage mental control and deprive individuals of part of their free will.”
Miviludes, Existe-t-il une définition de la secte ?

[15] “It is a drift from the freedom of thought, opinion or religion that undermines public order, laws or regulations, fundamental rights, security or personal integrity. It is characterised by the use, by an organised group or an isolated individual, whatever its nature or activity, of pressure or techniques aimed at creating, maintaining or exploiting a state of psychological or physical subjection in a person, depriving him or her of some of his or her free will, with harmful consequences for that person, his or her entourage or for society.” Qu'est-ce qu'une dérive sectaire ? [Deepl translation]

A list of criteria for sectarian drifts :

-mental destabilisation
-exorbitant financial demands
-a break with the original environment
-the existence of attacks on physical integrity
-the recruitment of children
-anti-social discourse
-disturbance of public order
-the presence of legal problems
-possible diversion from traditional economic channels
-attempts to infiltrate public authorities

A single criterion is not sufficient to establish the existence of a sectarian drift and not all criteria have the same value. The first criterion (mental destabilisation) is however always present in cases of sectarian drifts.” Comment la détecter ?

[16] Encyclopedia.com New Religious Movements: An Overview

[17] “Ogyen Kunzang Choling, Centre d'études et de pratique de l’école Nyingma du Bouddhisme tibétain” - Centre for the Study and Practice of the Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism

[18] Chapter “Lama Kunzang, le ‘lama belge’“

“En 1997, lorsque la commission d’enquête sur les sectes se penche sur la OKC, le chiffre d’affaires est de l’ordre de 130 millions de francs belges par an – plus de trois millions d’euros. Deux fonctionnaires de l’Union européenne versent une partie de leurs émoluments à l’organisation de Spatz, environ 250 000 francs belges, 6 200 €, chaque mois. Mais l’originalité du business model de la OKC réside dans le statut des travailleurs qui font tourner les commerces : ils sont tous bénévoles, dévoués corps et âme à leur maître.”

[19] Title of a chapter in the book Bouddhisme, la loi du silence: “Un réseau de vassalité”.
Another chapter, L’argent : l’ultime verrou explains:

“In the 1960s and 1970s, Tibetan refugees saw tourists flocking to the Himalayas and Buddhist temples. "When they returned home, Westerners set up organisations to raise money. The aim was to help build or expand monasteries," says Kaji Sherpa. Without them, it would not have developed as much as it did. Little by little, the Tibetan monasteries are becoming dependent on tourism, but also on funds raised for them in the industrialised countries. Each of the centres in Europe and the United States sends part of its income to the Asian monasteries - this is also a powerful reason for new disciples, who are delighted to contribute to the survival of Tibetan culture. For that reason the lamas at the head of these centres became repositories of colossal power.” [DeepL translation]

“ Dans les années 60-70, les réfugiés tibétains voient les touristes affluer, arpenter l’Himalaya et fréquenter les temples bouddhistes. « Une fois rentrés chez eux, les Occidentaux ont créé des organisations pour réunir de l’argent. L’objectif était d’aider à la construction ou à l’agrandissement des monastères, commente Kaji Sherpa. Sans eux, tout cela n’aurait pas pris autant d’ampleur. » Peu à peu, les monastères tibétains se rendent donc dépendants de la manne touristique, mais également des fonds levés à leur profit dans les pays industrialisés. Car chacun des centres installés en Europe et aux États-Unis envoie une partie de ses recettes aux monastères asiatiques – il s’agit même d’un argument de poids auprès de néo-disciples ravis de contribuer à la survie de la culture tibétaine. Dès lors, les lamas à la tête de ces centres deviennent dépositaires d’un colossal pouvoir.”

[20] “ D’un côté : des lamas très puissants, installés en Europe, aux États-Unis ou encore en Australie, financent la construction de temples et entretiennent des communautés en Inde et au Népal. En échange, les Tibétains gratifient ces mêmes lamas de visites régulières. L’occasion pour les maîtres « occidentalisés » de briller auprès de leur communauté locale en bénéficiant d’un sceau d’authenticité made in Tibet.”

[21] "Depuis le départ de Kyabjé Dilgo Khyentsé Rinpotché en 1991, Ogyen Kunzang Chöling s’est placée sous l’autorité spirituelle de son petit-fils et successeur Shétchen Rabjam Rinpotché, abbé du monastère de Shétchen, ainsi que de Péma Wangyal Rinpotché. Plus récemment, Khyentsé Yangsi Rinpotché a également béni de sa présence les centres de Nyima Dzong et Bruxelles. D’autres Lamas de Shétchen, tels que Adzom Gyalsé Rinpotché, Khenpo Gyurmé Tsultrim et Khenpo Rigzin Samdrup sont invités régulièrement pour enseigner dans les centres, ainsi que d’autres enseignants réputés comme Mindroling Jétsun Khandro Rinpotché, Ringou Tulkou Rinpotché et Khentchen Péma Shérab. En 2006, Khenpo Tseten, maître d’études de Shétchen, a rejoint Nyima Dzong selon les vœux de Rabjam Rinpotché et assure actuellement sur le terrain la direction spirituelle des centres.

Les centres Ogyen Kunzang Chöling ont pour but la transmission et la mise en pratique des enseignements bouddhiques de la tradition tibétaine ainsi que la réalisation de toute activité contribuant au bien-être et à l’évolution spirituelle des êtres.

Ces activités incluent aussi le soutien à d’autres centres bouddhistes et monastères. Un accent particulier a été mis dans les années 1990 sur le développement d’infrastructures éducatives religieuses au Népal et des liens privilégiés ont été noués en ce sens avec le monastère de Shétchen. Ces différentes activités sont prises en charge au quotidien par les membres résidents des différents centres. Des sessions d’enseignement et de pratique ouvertes au public y sont également organisées de façon régulière, notamment lors du séjour des Lamas invités.” Présentation OKC