Resetting "Mahāmudrā" history?

Reception history is a method for studying historical events and figures by examining how they've been perceived and interpreted throughout history. It  shifts the focus from a straightforward chronological telling of events to analyzing how those events have been understood by different people in different times.

Markus Vinzent (Resetting the Origins of Christianity, A New Theory of Sources and Beginnings) applies reception history to the study of Early Christianity, and retrospectively. Traditionally, scholars have studied this period by analyzing historical documents at face value. Markus Vinzent argues for a  "retrospective" approach.  He examines how later Christians interpreted  earlier figures and writings. This allows him to challenge traditional assumptions and shed new light on the development of Christianity.

With this method one might look at how a writing from the 2nd century AD was understood by someone in the 10th century. By seeing how the meaning changed over time, one can gain new insights into both the original text and the later reader's perspective. Instead of going straight back to the ”original text” and its “initial reception” and then following their evolution throughout history, Vinzent's method looks at its receptions nearer to our times and then goes gradually back into history, to see where and how changes occurred.

“6:09 It occurred to me that when we take the movement backwards, we cannot have it as a continuous movement. All we can do is choose sections. Let's take [Bishop] Ignatius [of Antioch 35 AD to 108/110 AD]. We can take that section, and as soon as we reflect about that particular section, we have to give a chronological explanation. We think writing history is a continuous process, as we almost emulate when we say we write from the year zero to the year 100, as if we have a continuity. But when we reflect backwards, it is anything but continuous. It is always a choice of sections, and within those sections we then establish a pseudo continuity. So that was the rough framework”

“7:43 I've chosen to slice the history by those sections where the new consensus was created, slice by slice like an archaeologist, who traces back the findings in the ground. From today backwards, a few sections where a new kind of discourse had been established.” (Youtube Channel, New Books Network Book of the Day).

When we apply this sort of “retrospective reception history” to Tibetan Buddhism and more specifically to “Maitrīpa”/Advayavajra/Avadhūtipa, it could give us insights into how Maitrīpa and his role were perceived at different times. We have to be aware of the added difficulty that manuscript texts were hardly ever fixed, and were continuously recopied, with the possibility of later later amendments, interpolations, additions, “prophesies”, deletions etc. This needs to be looked into properly, with the proper means… and especially time. Below I will do a quick and dirty “reception history” (not really “retrospective”), to illustrate how it could be done. In what follows the selected authors and their opinions on Maitrīpa are simply those that come to mind first. I ought to have started with Jamgön Kongtrül for the retrospective method, but I went for Tsangnyön Heruka first.

Maitrīpa is firstly known through the texts that are attributed to him (Amanasikāra t. yid la mi byed pa’i skor), and through texts and commentaries attributed to those considered to have been his students. This scriptural “Maitrīpa” appears to have been a respected all-round scholar, and his “scholarship” was not a problem at the beginning of the second millennium, on the contrary. With the “Tibetan Renaissance” (Davidson), and the freshly imported “new” Tantras (gsar ma), things changed very quickly. Yogis became a very competitive new model, and tensions between monastic and yogic communities were the norm. When the new Tantras were generally accepted, mainly through their gradual canonization (e.g. Bu-ston Rinchen Grub 1290-1364), often based on an authentic Indic pedigree, their further evolution and continuing success became dependent on the so called “aural transmissions” (t. snyan rgyud), rediscovered revelations (t. gter ma), etc., allowing for new interpretations and updated doctrines and practices.

These new inputs, that did not necessarily come from an Indic cultural sphere, were often composed in Nepal or Tibet, needed to be authentified by attributing their origin to known Indian masters, and for yogic materials, very often to Indian mahāsiddhas, their direct disciples (fictional or not), and by establishing their Transmission lineages. Narratives were developed in order to authenticate the new transmissions, and hagiographies became the most popular genre. Approximately at the same time as the picaresque novels appeared in Europe.

The new canonized Tantras already came with their transmission lineages, sometimes including teachers that could not have received the newly appeared “aural transmissions”, but were important to authenticate the general transmissions of the more recently formed major Tibetan schools. If a new “aural transmission” had been integrated later in such a school, how could an important earlier teacher of that school have received and transmitted it? It was the job of hagiographists and chroniclers to explain this, and they used all the means they had, before all their creativity, to succeed in their missions.

Most mahāyāna sūtras had been taught by the Buddha in saṃbhogakāya settings. Most “aural transmissions” are said to have an Indian origin with often the following pattern. A saṃbhogakāya entity appears to an Indian (mahā)siddha and gives him an “aural transmission”. The (mahā)siddha passes it on to his Indic disciples, and at one point a Tibetan student (shing rta bgyad) that traveled to India or Nepal will receive it, bringing it back to Tibet. Or the Indic disciple of a (mahā)siddha travels to Tibet and passes it on to a Tibetan student. Often exclusively and in exchange for gold.

Later on, time passing as it always does, gaps could appear in these --let’s call them fictional lineages-- hagiographers used various solutions to fill up the gaps. One of the earlier solutions was an exclusive lineage (t. gcig brgyud) for lack of a better translation. A teacher would pass on the transmission to one student at the same time. That student would do the same, and this would last for several generations (five, seven). The teacher would indicate to the student for how many generations the transmission needed to be kept secret.

Theses and other procedures allowed for Tibetan Buddhism to develop in ways that fitted in best with Tibetan society and its particular needs in later times. Because of the requirements regarding “authenticity” and “transmission”, narratives were needed to explain why the early masters (Milarepa, Gampopa, …) of a lineage did not completely fit in with later forms of Tibetan Buddhism. Maitrīpa was one of them.               

Famous hagiographers and chroniclers such as Tsangnyön Heruka (1452-1507), Dakpo Tashi Namgyal (1511, 1512, or 1513 – 1587), Padma Karpo (1527-1592), Tārānātha (1575-1634), Jamgön Kongtrül (1813–1899) showed and/or explained why Maitrīpa was a special case that didn’t fit in seamlessly, and yet was an important chain in the transmission.

Tsangnyön Heruka (1452-1507) is like Mary Poppins, he never explains anything. He simply tells things as he thinks they were/are. Nāropa and Maitrīpa are important chains in Rechungpa’s Tantric Yogic Kagyu lineage (pace Gampopa!), and there hardly is a difference between them. He has Marpa say so himself in the hagiography dedicated to this Tibetan lotsāva. The English translation team (with Chogyam Trungpa) of Tsangnyön Heruka’s Life of Marpa the Translator,  write that Saraha wrote “three cycles of dohās”, and was “a teacher in the lineage of mahāmudrā, that Marpa received from Maitrīpa” (p. xliv). Marpa saw Saraha in a dream.

Saraha wearing a freshly flayed human skin (Tsadra website)
For a Saraha with bone ornaments: here

“In the cool shade of a grove of plakśa trees.
On a tira corpse seat
Sat Lord Saraha, the Great Brahman.
I had never before seen such majestic brilliance.
He was flanked by two queens.
His body was adorned with charnel ground ornaments.
His joyous face was beaming.” (Life of Marpa, p. 45)

Saraha/Śavaripa, illumination Nepalese Dohākośagīti manuscript

In Life of Marpa, Marpa later remembers his gurus Nāropa and Maitrīpa with nostalgia. Marpa's hagiography author Tsangnyön Heruka seems to totally identify with Marpa, as he imagines him.

Maitrīpa doing tantra (detail HA 60674)

“Lord Marpa thought,“If it were my gurus Nāropa and Maitrīpa, they would prefer to actually sit on a corpse and acquire human flesh in the charnel ground. If they could not acquire these, they would visualize them through samādhi, and so enjoy them. Even when rows of kśetrapala ḍākinīs lined up in person to receive torma, they would not be afraid. But tonight these people are afraid of the howls of the jackals in this empty valley and the natural sounds of the elements.” (Life of Marpa, p. 122)

Lakṣmīṅkārā (ལྕམ་ལཀྵྨཱི) as a mahāsiddha, the alleged
authoress of the Sahajasiddhi-paddhati.
The sweeper Hāḍipa Jālandharanāth looking at her? (detail HA65204)

Dakpo Tashi Namgyal (1511, 1512, or 1513 – 1587), abbot of Gampo (t. dwags lha sgam po) tries to make a compromise between Gampopa’s contemplative “direct perception” approach and Tantric techniques (t. thab lam), nonetheless giving full priority to the latter. He is likely to have read Maitrīpa’s writings, and being aware of the gap, he could have been expected to have a more mitigated view of Maitrīpa. He was one of the teachers of the eighth Karmapa Mikyö Dorje, who was quite outspoken about his post-classic Mahāmudrā preferences. 

“Maitripa, also, having been dissatisfied with his proficient knowledge of the sutras and tantras followed [the mystic teacher] Śavarivara and received the illuminating instructions on the quintessential great seal, which were not based on the tantric teachings[1].” (Lhalungpa, p. 101)

Dakpo Tashi Namgyal accepts the full heteroclite “Mahāmudrā” system as it was transmitted at his time, and defends non-tantric “Mahāmudrā” against the attacks of Sakya Paṇḍita (Lalungpa p. 109). Perhaps following the semi-fictional 12th century Par phu pa Blo gros seng ge and others, he establishes the “Mahāmudrā” lineage of the Kagyu schools as originally descending from Buddha Vajradhara (Lhalungpa, p. 116). In order to account for all the heteroclite “Mahāmudrā” materials, integrated in different ways and in different times, Dakpo Tashi Namgyal introduces or reaffirms a role for two saṃbhogakāya bodhisattvas, Mañjughoṣa  and Avalokiteśvara, whom the Buddha, “at the city of Vidarbha” in the South of India, prophesied as being the future expounders of “this quintessential dharma”. These two bodhisattvas “reincarnated” as “Devaputra Ratnamati and Devaputra Sukhanatha” and are said to have transmitted this teaching to Saraha. “It was said that [Saraha] achieved liberation instantly”. “Ratnamati was the reincarnation of Buddha himself, and Sukhanātha that of Guhyapati [bodhisattvaVajrapāṇi].”

“Saraha transmitted it to [the Tantric] Nāgārjuna, who was renowned as the second Buddha. Both of them were the gurus of most of the great Indian saints. Nāgārjuna especially guided Śrī Śavariśvara toward his liberation.”

“According to certain traditions, Śavari later received the quintessential dharma from the two bodhisattvas and also from Saraha. They had achieved enlightenment through illusory form or the spacelike mystical form.  It is said that these masters appeared before fortunate devotees at the mountain retreat of Śrī Parvata until recent times.” (Lhalungpa, p. 117)

In this transmission ("the quintessential dharma") Dakpo Tashi Namgyal includes “the Druppa Dedun [grub pa sde bdun] of mahāmudrā, the Nyingpo Kordruk [snying po skor drug], the twenty-four [sic] sections of [Advayavajra’s] Amanasi[kāra], and the extensive and concise texts of the Dohā [that] were known in India.” Or authored later in Nepal, Tibet or elsewhere… Maitrīpa is said to have seen “the spacelike mystical form” of Śavari in Śrī Parvata, and “received the instructions on "the quintessential dharma” from Śavari, implying he received the whole set.

As for the lineage of “Maitrīpa’s Mahāmudrā” mentioned above by Dakpo Tashi Namgyal, some elements are found back in the Complete works (t. gsung ‘bum) attributed to the 12th century Tsalpa Zhang. These works are not all by his hand (often memos etc. by members of his school), and may have undergone modifications at various times. In one of his works (Phyag rgya chen po thog babs, translated in German[2]), we find a transmission lineage that follows Dakpo Tashi Namgyal’s one: 1. Vajradhara  2. Ratnamati 3. Śavaripa  4. Avadhūtipa/Maitrīpa 5. Vajrapāṇi  6. Lha rje gtsang shod pa 7. Me lha khang pa 8. Yer pa ba 9. Zhang[3]. It is always possible that Zhang’s Tsalpa lineage had its own source. What source and when? What would be the origin of the Ratnamati narrative? Dakpo Tashi Namgyal continues:

“The fact that the mahāmudrā instructions, made known in Tibet by Maitrīpa's disciples such as the Indian Vajrapāṇi by way of the treatises like the Dohā, the Datsa [Brda-rtsa], and the Sangjor [Rgya-gar gsang-spyod[4]], were identical with those of Gampopa's affirmed the authenticity of the mahāmudrā system. This being so, some [teachers] asserted that any meditation on the perfect meaning of reality must be based only on the classical commentaries of the sūtras. They criticized the key instructions of the great saints [of the mahāmudrā lineage], which emphasized the attainment of insight from the beginning. Such criticism would imply their disregard for the exponents of the tantric instructions, especially their sources like Nyingpo Kordruk [snying po skor drug] and the Truppa Dedun [grub pa sde bdun].” (Lhalungpa, p. 144)

As Dakpo Tashi Namgyal wrote, Śavari was still saṃbhogakāyically hanging around in Śrī Parvata “until recent times”, because the Kagyu yogi Lhatsun Rinchen Namgyel (lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal 1473–1557), Tsangnyön Heruka’s disciple is said to have received the “brDa-tsa” and the “Rgya-gar gsang-spyod” from Śavari himself in his “spacelike mystical form”, a vision actually. What Lhatsun Rinchen Namgyel received at that time (15-16th century) was probably thought to be, at least essentially, the same set of instructions as the ones Maitrīpa received 500 years earlier, but hadn’t made public… A saṃbhogakāya is not a spatiotemporal dimension. And therefore a “lineage” isn’t either. For a full list of instructions received saṃbhogakāyically by Lhatsun Rinchen Namgyel, see Michaela Clementes’ “The Literary Work of Lha bTsun Rin chen rNamrgyal”. The consequence of these extratemporal additions is that according to the tradition, Maitrīpa's transmisison of  "the quintessential dharma” from Śavari can’t be reduced to the writings attributed to Maitrīpa in the 11th century. Do we want to rely on faith or on history? If history has some importance, then some important mahāsiddhas may not have existed, and if they did, they probably didn't look like their representations above. If faith prevails, then the sky, and beyond, is the limit.  

Padma Karpo (1527-1592) is pretty tough on Maitrīpa. He recognises his “full” heritage, but for him something went wrong with Maitrīpa, no doubt due to his scholastic patterns (t. mtshan nyid pa) and past training. Padma Karpo gives a full account of Maitrīpa’s encounter with the “spacelike mystical form” of Śavari[5], and repeatedly insists on the fact that Maitrīpa had doubts about his teacher. In order to show the reader how Maitrīpa ought to have behaved, he introduced another character, prince Sakara, a fellow traveler of Maitrīpa, who behaves like a model student and complies with all the requirements in this regard, as known in the 16th century, especially faith. It is because of Maitrīpa's deficiency that Padma Karpo has Śavari say: “Since you had doubts about me, you won’t receive the ultimate accomplishment in this life. When you die Vajrayoginī will come and meet you and you will receive the ultimate accomplishment[6].”

After delivering this prophecy the mystical form of Śavari disappeared. What is the reason behind this consistent hagiographic defiency of Maitrīpa? 

In his Seven Instruction Lineages[7] (t. bka’ babs bdun ldan), Tārānātha (1575-1634) follows Padma Karpo’s line, including the incomplete spiritual career of Maitrīpa and his students, due to lack of faith. See my blog Maitripa et ses disciples vus par Tārānātha (01/10/2010).

Jamgön Kongtrül (1813–1899) probably follows up on the 8th Karmapa’s division between what later what be called sūtra mahāmudrā and tantra mahāmudrā[8], and creates a three-fold mahāmudrā.

“Kon sprul Blo gros mtha' yas (1813-1899) thus distinguishes in his Shes bya kun khyab mdzod (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khan 1982 vol. 3, 375f.) besides the generally accepted mantra mahāmudrā, a sūtra mahāmudrā and an essence mahāmudrā. Mantra mahāmudrā is transmitted according to the methods taught by the Mantrayāna, and this involves Tantric empowerment. Essence mahāmudrā leads to the sudden or instantaneous realization of one's natural mind (tha mal gyi shes pa)[9].” (Klaus-Dieter Mathes, Can Sūtra mahamudra be justified on the basis of Maitrīpa's Apratiṣṭhānavāda?, 2007)

Kongtrül specifies:

“This means that at a time when a degenerated understanding was widespread, people with great potential (skal) and extraordinary dispositions for the Vajrayāna were very rare, but that in spite of this, people of lesser potential and mediocre faculties could follow the gradual path of the three individuals and eventually further their potential, become fit to receive the instructions of the Mantrayāna and [SKK III. p. 388] obtain liberation in one lifetime. Even failing that, as many people were to glimpse the meaning of the Mahāmudrā by this means, they were thus setting out on an irreversible path. At least that is what [Gampopa] must have thought[10].”

Obviously “Essence Mahāmudrā” can only occur “suddenly” after a long preparation in Mantrayāna, at least according to Kongtrül:

“This is the direct and powerful path to the sudden (t. btsan thabs su) realisation of the deep heart (t. zab mo’i snying po), even deeper and more wonderful than the previous two. It is the grace (adhiśṭhāna; byin rlabs) of consecration (abhiśeka; dbang) of indestructible gnosis, conferred by a realised lama, which descends upon a highly predisposed disciple and awakens ordinary knowledge in the heart centre, simultaneously producing realisation and liberation without artificial technique or learning process. This happened frequently in the hagiographies of the siddhas of the four great and eight small schools of the Kagyupa lineage.[11]”

There is no mention of Gampopa’s third path of direct perception, beyond sūtra and tantra. According to Kongtrül, the path of direct perception does not correspond to “Essence Mahāmudrā”, since “Essence Mahāmudrā” requires a “consecration (abhiśeka; dbang) [ ] by a realised lama”. Consecrations are not beyond tantra. 

Once more, this is not about the name of a method/realization, in this case “Mahāmudrā”, a tantric term, but about the unifying method (t. zung ‘jug s. yuganaddha), thought to have been taught by Maitrīpa/Advayavajra, inspired or not by Saraha’s Dohākośagīti, the first one, not the other two dohākośa that were written later. A method beyond “sūtrayāna” and “mantrayāna”, but that certainly can be combined with “sūtrayāna” and “mantrayāna” practice, or not… It is considered as a liberation (s. mokṣa), it is compatible with the Apratiṣṭhānavāda view, and it is accessible through an Introduction (t. ngo sprod) by a teacher who realized “yuganaddha” himself. It is also called “Mahāmudrā” by some, perhaps to imply its realization is similar. Could this be how this method is compatible with mantrayāna (t. sngags kyi lugs kyi rjes su mthun pa)? On the level of the result, on the level of liberation?

Mantrayāna wants to go further than simple liberation. It goes for “full Buddhahood”, with three fully realized Buddhakāyas, especially the saṃbhogakāya and the nirmāṇakāya. As a bodhisattva, the follower of mantrayāna wants to have all possible powers of a Buddha to save all sentient beings and to empty saṃsāra to the best of their ability. Salvation happens through liberation (s. mokṣa t. grol ba), and on the level of dharmakāya. The other two form bodies (rūpakāyas) allow a Buddha to act as a Buddha. Some believe an enlightened activity (t. phrin las) is the natural natural outflow of liberation. Others think that to be a powerful Buddha, a bodhisattva needs to work real hard, follow mantrayāna, accumulate merit, wisdom and siddhis, rely on a guru, on the most powerful mantric expedients (upāya) and to identify with a deity, sometimes, as in the case of Tsangnyön Heruka, theopathically.

Mantrayāna’s project is in fact a transexistential career, consisting of liberating (t. grol ba s. mokṣa) but also and foremost “ripening” (t. smin pa) those to be saved, together in short “smin grol”. Liberation for their own benefit, and “ripening” for the benefit of others. “Ripening” is done through giving empowerments and entering mantrayāna. Such is the theory. Liberation requires a teacher who realizes direct perception, who knows the nature of mind, and who can guide others in this regard. “Ripening” requires a whole religious set-up and everything required for the survival thereof. 

***

[1] Mahāmudrā, The Quintessence of Mind and Meditation, Takpo Tashi Namgyal, Translated & Annotated by Lobsang P. Lhalungpa, Foreword by Chogyam Trungpa, Shambala, 1987

[2] Andrea Prax, Edition und Übersetzung von Lama Zhangs Blitzschlag[gleicher] Mahāmudrā, Wien 2013, Adviser Klaus-Dieter Mathes

[3] Andrea Prax, Edition und Übersetzung von Lama Zhangs Blitzschlag[gleicher] Mahāmudrā, Wien 2013

[4] “The oral instructions of the essential meaning of rGya gar gsang spyod’ (rGya gar gsang spyod kyi don bsdu’i man ngag rnams) was composed by Rin chen rNam rgyal after a vision of Mar pa.” Clemente, M. (2015), "The Literary Work of lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal". In: From Bhakti to Bon. Festschrift for Per Kvaerne, edited by H. Havnevik and C. Ramble, Oslo: Novus Forlag, pp. 185-200

[5] In Padma Karpo’s Brug pa’i chos ‘byung, xylography of Dodedrak Monastery, starting on page 87.

[6] “khyod nga la the tsom zos pas tshe ‘di la mchog gi dngos grub mi thob/ ‘chi kar rdo rje rnal ‘byor mas bsus ste bar dor mchog gi dngos grub thob par ‘gyur ro/ p. 89

[7] Templeman, David, Library of Tibetan Works and Archives (1983)

[8] “Ce n'est pas le siddhi authentique de la Mahāmudrā de la lignée Kagyupa, transmis du Dharmakāya Vajradhara jusqu'au grand Nāropa, qui est présent dans les intuitions analogique et réelle (dpe don gyi ye shes) authentiques[14], qui ne sont pas manifestes (ngon sum) avant les trois initiations supérieures des quatre initiations (mchog dbang gong ma gsum) mais ce sont le Parāmitāyāna causal[15] de nos jours et la tradition des instructions communes de Samātha-Vipassana qui viennent d’Atisha et font partie du chemin graduel de l’éveil, enseignés par Gampopa et Pamodroupa (1110-1170) pour répondre à la demande des étudiants de l’époque dégénérée, friands des enseignements les plus élevés, et qui l'ont appelés pour cette raison la mahāmudrā intégrée naturellement (phyag-chen skyes-sbyor). Dans la pratique de la plupart des étudiants de Gampopa, les instructions de la Mahāmudrā furent données avant l'initiation, ce qui est appelé la Tradition commune du Sūtrayāna et du Mantrayāna." Quoted in Shes bya kun khyab mdzod (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khan 1982 vol. 3, See Déclassement de la mahamudra de Maitrīpa 27/06/2011
'Di la dgongs nas rje mi bskyod zhabs kyis/ chos sku rdo rje 'chang chen po nas brgyud pa'i nA ro chen po'i bka' brgyud kyi phyag rgya chen po'i dngos grub mtshan nyid pa ni mchog dbang gong ma gsum gyi dpe don gyi ye shes mtshan nyid pa mngon sum du ma gyur pa la yod pa ma yin la/ deng sang gi rgyu phar phyin theg pa dang thun mong ba'i zhi lhag gi khrid srol mgon po a ti sha nas brgyud pa/ byang chub lam sgron gyi man ngag rje btsun sgam po pa dang mgon po phag mo gru pas/ snyigs ma'i gdul bya theg pa mtho mtho la dga' ba'i ngor phyag chen lhan cig skyes sbyor gyi ming btags par mdzad pa zhes gsungs la/ dwags po'i thugs sras phal mo che rnams kyi phyag bzhes su dbang bskur sngon song la phyag chen gyi gdams ngag bstan te mdo sngags thun mong gi lam srol du bzhed pa yin no//

[9] Essence Mahāmudrā may have been inspired by this observation:

“The meditational system of the Takpo Kagyupa order consists of two systems. The first system, which meets the needs of seekers inclined toward an instantaneous illumination, directs them, at the outset, to master the vision of reality by clearing doubts and distortions concerning the natural foundation of existence and then settle the mind [in a nondual] state. The second system, which meets the demands of seekers of gradual illumination, directs them first to achieve tranquility of mind and then gradually strive toward insight. The former method would be more suitable for highly intelligent and passionate persons. Nevertheless, I shall elucidate the latter at this stage because it is widely known in the country.” (Lhalungpa, p. 144)

[10] [SKK III. p. 388] de dag gi don ni snyigs ma shas cher bdo ba'i dus su son pas rdo rje theg pa'i thun mong min pa'i skal ldan ches nyung bar gyur kyang*/ dbang rtul skal ba dman pa'i gdul bya rnams la skyes bu gsum gyi lam rim gyi khrid pas/ mthar skal ba rab tu 'phos pas sngags kyi thun mong min pa'i snod du gyur te tshe gcig la grol ba thob pa'am/_de ltar ma yin kyang thabs des mang dag cig phyag rgya chen po'i don mthong nas/ phyir mi ldog pa'i lam la bkod pa la dgongs pa yin pa'i phyir ro//

[11] [SKK III. p. 389] snying po'i lugs ni/snying po rdo rje'i ye shes 'bebs pa yis// dbang rab smin grol dus gcig 'byung ba'o// snga ma gnyis ka las zab cing ngo mtshar la khyad par rmad du byung ba zab mo'i snying po btsan thabs su rtogs pa'i lam ni/ rtogs ldan gyi bla mas skal ldan gyi slob ma ches dbang rnon du gyur pa la rdo rje ye shes kyi dbang gi byin rlabs 'bebs pa tsam gyis/ tha mal shes pa snying dbus su sad nas rtogs grol dus mnyam du 'gyur bas spros bcas kyi thabs dang sbyangs pa'i rtsol ba la ma ltos pa'i phyir/ bka' brgyud che bzhi chung brgyad kyi grub thob sa chen po'i rdul tsam byon pa'i rnam thar dang lag rjes mngon sum snang ba 'di nyid yin cing*/

Maitrīpa's Singularity?

Maitrīpa leaving Vikramaśīla behind, crossing the Ganges, detail Himalayan Art HA60674

Integrating a subculture in a culture?

It is generally assumed that Yoginī Tantras or Annutarayogatantras were integrated into monastic mainstream mahāyāna culture with the contribution of authors like Advayavajra/Maitrīpada, According to Tibetan tradition, Maitrīpa rediscovered and reintroduced treatises attributed to Maitreyanātha[1], specifically the Mahāyanottaratantra-śastra/Ratnagotravibhāga (RGV), considered as a bridge between pāramitāyāna and mantranaya. And so would be the Tattvadaśaka authored by Advayavajra and commented by his student Sahajavajra. That’s how the story goes.

This theory assumes there was a certain initial reluctance to incorporate tantras (“subculture”), that included sexual yogas (sequence of the four mudrās[2]), into an otherwise monastic culture, and that needed to be overcome in Tibet like in India. Tibetan hagiographies of the Tibetan RenaissanceTibetan Renaissance are centered on how “deified” or “daimonified” “mahāsiddhas” (favoured with eight siddhis) received practices associated with the most advanced Buddhist Tantras from divine or semi-divine Buddhas or Bodhisattvas. They have also been called “sorcerers”[3] in the past (Grünwedel).

Buddhist Tantras like the Hevajra Tantra had already been integrated in Indian vihāras such as Vikramaśīla and Ratnavajra’s vihāra in Kashmir. According to Tibetan hagiographies several "mahāsiddhas" or other accomplished beings (t. mkhas grub) used to be monastics before they left Vikramaśīla and its abbot Ratnākaraśānti, and started their careers as “advanced” Tantric teachers/mahāsiddhas. Even abbot Ratnākaraśānti was considered a specialist of the Hevajra Tantra and other high Tantras, so one may wonder what “subculture” still needed to be integrated into mainstream Mahāyāna monasticism ? Tibetan hagiographies tell us that these future siddhas were not satisfied with what they had learned in Vikramaśīla. Nāropa left and is said to have found Tailopa. Maitrīpa, who became a legendary figure in Tibet, is said to have been Nāropa’s student in Vikramaśīla for twelve years, yet left too, in spite of his training with a (future ?) mahāsiddha, and is said to have found or seen Śavaripa. Tailopa and Śavaripa may very well be mythical or legendary beings. Ratnavajra, also an ex-student from Vikramaśīla, became the head of a Buddhist vihāra in Kashmir, although being a layman and the vihāra's direction was passed on from father to son. None of this seemed to have been particularly problematic in India at that time. Nagtsho (Tshul khrims rgyal ba), one of Atiśa’s translators, is said to have had a glimpse of Nāropa (towards the end of his life) in India. The anecdote shows that Nāropa was celebrated, including by the local elites, as a Tantric teacher.

“Because I went alone as an insignificant monk to invite the Lord Atiśa- and because he tarried for one year in Magadha-I thought that I would go see the Lord Nāropā, since his reputation was so great. I went east from Magadha for a month, as I had heard that the Lord was staying in the monastery known as Phullahari. Very great merit arose from being able to go see him. On the day I arrived, they said some feudal prince had come to pay homage. So I went to the spot, and a great throne had been erected. I sat right in front of it. The whole crowd started buzzing, "The Lord is coming!" I looked and the Lord was physically quite corpulent, with his white hair [stained with henna] bright red, and a vermilion turban bound on. He was being carried [on a palanquin] by four men and chewing betel-leaf. I grabbed his feet and thought, "I should listen to his pronouncements!" Stronger and stronger people, though, pushed me further and further from his seat and finally I was tossed out of the crowd. So, there I saw the lord's face, but did not actually hear his voice.[4]”

The same goes for Tantric Buddhism in Kathmandu ( e.g. support by the Newar clan Bharo). Buddhist Tantras were considered as Buddhavacana, more so than Mahāyāna treatises (s. śastras), including those attributed to the future Buddha Maitreya. Tantras (e.g. the Hevajra Tantra) were quoted as Buddhavacana and because they were Buddhavacana, even by monastics, such as Gampopa. To quote Tantric Buddhavacana doesn’t mean one follows, practices and teaches that specific Tantra following its commentaries, etc. Quotes (often without context) of authoritative Buddhavacana are merely used to strengthen one’s point, in particular if one is in dialogue with a follower of that specific Tantra tradition.


Autocriticism and new focus?

There was no specific need to write treatises and texts such as the Tattvadaśaka, in order to make Tantras acceptable to mainstream Mahāyāna monasticism. They already were, and with the support of the leading classes, who loved Tantrism for obvious reasons. Think of the origin of the word mandarin, mantrin. Criticism of the siddha movement came often from the siddha movement itself[5].

“Many criticisms, however, were not so subtle, and the contentious nature of the siddha movement is sometimes turned against itself rather than toward other agonistic religious communities. Overall, three kinds of critiques are emphasized in the esoteric literature. In the first, Buddhist yogins are critiqued for exhibiting a level of egotism appropriate to Brahmans, for they have both come to consider themselves divine. In the second, the criticism is voiced that siddhas have become deluded in their obsession with artificial means of meditation, breath control, visualization of letters, or psychic heat, and by the siddhas' search for nubile consorts. Finally, siddhas were criticized for consorting with non-Buddhist yogins and expressing non-Buddhist doctrines.”

Saraha’s Dohākośagīti (D 2224, P 3068) and Advaya-Avadhūtipa’s Commentary (Dohākoṣahṛdayārthagītāṭīkā, D2268, P3120) are examples of texts that are critical of Non-Buddhist and Buddhist approaches and even of practitioners of the Highest Yoga Tantras. Klaus-Dieter Mathes (2015)[6] would probably qualify Advaya-Avadhūtipa’s commentary as “Sahaja tradition”, as he does for the commentary of the Nepalese author of the Dohākoṣapañjikā and I would agree.

According to Gö Lotsawa Zhönu Pal (1392-1481), Dīpaṅkaraśrījñāna/Atiśa had received the Mahāyanottaratantra-śastra, the Dohā[kośagīti], etc. (t. “do ha la sogs pa[7]”) from the legendary Maitrīpa[8]. Atiśa transmitted these and other instructions to his Tibetan lay student 'Brom ston (1008-1064). Gö Lotsawa considers this occasion as the earliest transmission of “Mahāmudrā” (t. snga ba) in Tibet. This teaching transmission was said to have been aborted, but some form of it is thought to have spread discretely within the Kadampa lineage.

“Atiśa is, to the best of our knowledge, the first person to bring Saraha's Treasury of Dohā Verses to Tibet. He was, as we shall see, rebuffed in his efforts by his student Dromton, and a lineage of dohā teaching and practice was never to develop during his time in Tibet. His involvement with dohā literature, and poetic spiritual songs in general, seems to have been great. He is credited with number of diamond-songs (rdo rje'i glu), as well as a commentary to his own song, in the Tanjur. However, his teachings on the Treasury of Dohā Verses, as Karma Trinlaypa [1456-1540] informs us, were cut short at the outset. He writes: "Jowoje [Atiśa] heard them from Maitrīpa, and when he arrived in Ngari, he began teaching dohās such as, "What use are butter lamps, What use offerings to gods?" He explained them literally, and out of fear that ethical conduct practiced by the Tibetans would become debased, he was requested not to recite them. Therefore, though he was somewhat displeased, he is not known to have taught them henceforth." (Kurtis R. Schaeffer[9])

The first “Mahāmudrā”/”Lhan cig skye sbyor (“Sahaja-tradition”)” Gampopa received was very likely through the Kadampa lineage. Because of later polemics and hagiographic attempts to save Gampopa’s Tantric Kagyu pedigree, it is difficult to know what exactly he may have received from Lama Mila. We learn in the Shangpa hagiography[10] of Mogchok Rin chen brTson 'Grus, that Gampopa had vowed to not teach “the sādhanas and six yogas”. We know that the “Six Yogas” [of Nāropa] didn’t exist yet in that form at Gampopa’s time, which may be an excellent reason for not having transmitted them…


Gampopa’s Path of direct perception

Whether Gampopa’s “Mahāmudrā” was a genuine transmission (t. man ngag), perhaps coming from Maitrīpa via Atiśa and the Kadampa lineage, or merely a cunning plan to attract students (see Sakya Paṇḍita), or a beginner’s teaching (see Karmapa VIII), Gampopa was clearly more eager to teach “it” than to teach the “Six Yogas” (t. thabs lam) and seemed to have considered it as a special category, namely the “path of direct perception” (t. mngon sum lam du byed pa, pratyakṣa[11]), different from the Sūtric epistemic “path of inference” (t. rjes dpag lam du byed pa) and the Tantric “path of Grace” (t. byin rlabs kyis lam s. anugraha), that generates a divine body (t. lha’i sku), with a pneumatic energetic structure (t. rtsa rlung thig le), mantra recitation etc. This third path of direct perception is neither “Sūtric” nor “Tantric” and doesn’t use Deity practice with its associated mythology, cosmogony, emanationism, etc.. It’s not “Luminous” (Nous) in that sense. Its “luminosity” in the sense of purity, refers to a “citta”, instantaneous “like a finger-snap” (AN 1.51-60), not to a Buddha-essence (buddhadhātu) thought to be “eternal, blissful, characterized by a personal self, and pure” (Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra). The often quoted “This mind, O monastics, is luminous” (Pabhassaramidaṁ, bhikkhave, cittaṁ, AN 1.51) refers to an instantaneous citta, not an eternal Buddha-essence.

“The path of direct perception (s. pratyakṣa) is e.g. an authentic teacher saying that “the natural (sahaja) state of mind (t. sems nyid t. cittatva) is dharmakāya’s radiance (prakāśa)”, and thus giving the right instruction on its final meaning (nītārtha). The spontaneous natural perception of this determined truth (s. niścaya) is free from theory (t. lta), meditation (t. sgom) and observance (t. spyod), and deployed through natural perception (t. gnyug ma'i shes pa). This is the path of direct perception.” (Tshogs chos yon tan phun tshogs)

 

Ngo sprod as the pith-instruction from an authentic teacher

The instruction of the “authentic” teacher (t. dam pa’i bla ma), in the sense of a teacher who experienced this directly for himself and can transmit it to another, is what is sometimes called an “Introduction” (t. ngo sprod). An example of such an instruction is the sNying po'i ngo sprod don dam gter mdzod, an instruction attributed to Gomchung (sLob dpon sGom Chung Shes rab Byang chub 1127-1171), Gampopa’s nephew. In this “Introduction” (to the nature of mind), we find almost verbatim what an authentic teacher is to say to his/her student.

“Well, this is how the Introduction to the Mahāmudrā is carried out. The natural state of mind is dharmakāya and its natural appearance (t. snang ba s. abhāsa) is dharmakāya’s radiance. If one has access to mind (citta) as the nature of awareness, then one is awakened, and if one doesn’t one goes astray.[12]”

This “Introduction” (t. ngo sprod), also used by Zhang G.yu-brag-pa Brtson-'grus-grags-pa (1123-1193), is possibly what Advayavajra’s Tattvadaśaka and Sahajavajra’s Tattvadaśakaṭīkā refer to in the verse “Adorned with the pith-instructions of the Guru” (t. bla ma'i ngag gis ma brgyan pa'i s. guruvāgan). The awareness that is the result of the Introduction is something like the “mahāmudrājñāna” (t. phyag rgya chen po’i ye shes), Gö Lotsawa Zhönu Pal refers to in the Blue Annals’ chapter XI on Mahāmudrā.

“Thus the antidote (of this inference, i.e. understanding of Relativity) which is not a mere theory, represents the knowledge of the Mahāmudrā. This (knowledge) can be gained only through the blessing of a holy teacher (i,e. through initiation, and not through reasoning). Thus I have explained the stages of the general Doctrine.” (Roerich’s translation, interpretation and interpolations)

 

The “pith-instructions” changed into the “blessing” and “kindness” of the guru

Zhönu Pal writes “This (knowledge) can be gained only through the blessing [byin rlabs] of a holy teacher” and replaces “the words of the guru” (s. guruvāgan, perhaps corresponding to an “Introduction” ngo sprod) by "the Guru’s blessing" (t. byin rlabs), thus somehow leaving the path of direct perception (t. mngon sum lam du byed pa) and moving to the Tantric path of Grace (t. byin rlabs kyi(s) lam). What initially was a path of direct perception, different from “inference” and “blessings”, becomes a Tantric path of blessings, and the “path of direct perception” undergoes a double process. As a method, it becomes “Sūtra Mahāmudrā” and is treated as a “path of inference” and renamed “theory of Relativity” by Roerich and Gendün Chöphel. Whereas “Tantric Mahāmudrā” (method AND realization) is henceforth presented as the authentic “Mahāmudrā”. Admittedly, using the Tantric term “Mahāmudra” for what is a direct perception that recognizes the natural appearance of mind as dharmakāya’s radiance is/was not a good idea.

At the same time “the path of direct perception”, as a realization, also becomes “Essence Mahāmudrā” (t. snying po’i lugs[13]), only accessible for the most exceptionally spiritually advanced individuals and within a Tantric Guru-Student relationship (guru-śishya system) through the “blessing” or the “favor” of the Guru (see below for these terms).

In order to make Maitripa/Advyavajra into a full-fledged Tantric teacher and blend his nuanced method into a mainstream Tibetan Tantric path, all writings (rightfully of wrongfully) attributed to him are considered as one single block, where passages on different topics from different texts (and possibly different authors) can comment and “shed light” (mostly a Tantric one) on other passages, thus drowning all possible nuances in one single Tantric blend.


Maitrīpa’s life changing experience?

In Tibetan hagiographic materials Maitripa is presented as someone who, rather late in his spiritual career, around 50 years old, had a radical change of direction. He is said to have started as an obviously brilliant student of the Tantric Nāropa, and some of his texts may have been written during this first period of life in Vikramaśīla. Did he stop writing after his alleged radical change around 50 or did he perhaps author different texts? Did he continue to write at all, or did he mainly teach or guide students? What does Tārānātha (16-17th century) mean when he writes that Śavaripa told Maitrīpa, who desperately wanted to become a vidyādhara, “what need do you have for these illusions, rather spread the meaning of the natural state (t. gnas lugs kyi don)![14]” Can we treat all texts attributed to Advayavajra (dating from before and after the alleged change) as sharing one single topic? (Tantric) Mahāmudrā with the objective to become a “deified” vidyādhara? Are there not signs that show we ought to be more careful? Would it not be worthwhile to look for those signs? Forget about “Mahāmudrā” and “Nāgārjuna’s” “four mudrās”, what could be the core message of Saraha’s Dohākośagīti, Advaya-Avadhūtipa’s commentary, Advayavajra’s Tattvadaśaka and Sahajavajra’s commentary, Gampopa’s “path of direct perception”, the Ngo sprod method? Could there be a link between all of these? “Sahaja-tradition”? Are we capable of commenting on these texts without systematically shedding a Tantric light on them and explaining them through later interpretations?

Why would Tibetan tradition have Śavaripa say to Maitrīpa “what need do you have for these illusions, rather spread the meaning of the natural state!”, and the following moment give him Tantric empowerments (s. abhiṣeka) and Mahāmudrā teachings, Mahāmudrā being one the four Tantric mudrās? Yet tradition does so without hesitation.


Gradual transformation of radiant citta into luminous Buddha-essence

The “radiance” of dharmakāya is what is experienced all the time, with or without defilements, so what is “Tantric”[15] about it ? Is the “radiance” of the instantaneous citta of  "self-illuminating" awareness the same as Tantric “luminosity”? For both Ulrich T. Kragh and Klaus-Dieter Mathes, Maitrīpa’s work is about building a bridge between mainstream Mahāyāna and “four-mudrā”[16] Tantrism, or the Hevajra Tantra tradition, the buzz of the day, and particularly through the utilization of the Buddha nature doctrine.​​ Yet that bridge had already been built in India, e.g. in Vikramaśīla. Was there perhaps a more specific Tibetan need that required such a bridge, when the Hevajra Tantra and its commentaries and associated practices were brought to Tibet by Tibetans?

One could say that perceiving things as they are (tathatā) is the essence of Buddhism. With that experience one could pursue any goal, including living a normal life as a “yogi”, as also shown in the life stories of the Sahajasiddhi-paddhati.

“The wise one awakens towards supreme full enlightenment, But even after that, [he will be engaged] in initial activity (s. ādikarma t. dang po’i las pa).” (Advayavajra, Kudṛṣṭinirghātana 5[17])

In Tibet social success and political careers were open both in the monastic and sngags-pa path. One could follow a monastic path or become a sngags-pa, an esoteric Buddhist yogi. One could also become a hermit/yogi, with the project (t. gtad sa) to die in solitude[18]. The path of direct perception is a path of freedom (“bliss”). The other paths are also careers (spiritual ones if you like), social constructs, with bonuses during and at the end of if. Those not interested in a career, were bound anyway by "the accumulation path of the perfections" (t. pha rol tu phyin pa tshogs kyi lam)[19], which means they were expected to live as active participating members of the religious community (Saṅgha), and to accumulate both merit (s. puṇya) and gnosis (s. jñāna).

Before the Tibetan Renaissance and before the invitation of Atiśa to Tibet, monastic (mūlasarvāstivādin) networks of temples and monasteries were the ones in power. The new Tantras opened up careers for lay yogis and their circles, and promised greater and concrete benefits “Harder, Better, Faster, Stronger”... and political power… But were they still Buddhist mainstream? History, being written by the victors, tells us that, yes they were indeed, and even more so than the so called mainstream Buddhist teachings... Perhaps the “bridging” and “blending” arguments were to convince the more nostalgic tepid ones that still had doubts on the subject. But was that Tibetan concern really shared by the Indian teacher Maitrīpa/Advayavajra (and his Saraha) and other Indian teachers from Vikramaśīla?


Refocusing and reframing rather than integrating?

It seems to me that in those days (10-11th century), there was a tendency to refocus on intrinsic simplicity (s. nija t. gnyug ma), “co-emergence”/naturalness (s. sahaja), the heart matter (s. hṛdayārtha), reflexive awareness (s. svasaṃvitti), that can be found in different traditions, and that expressed itself amongst other things in the “dohā” genre  (distichs)[20]. A sort of a Back to Basics (and to what is essential) movement. It can be found in Saraha’s Dohākośagīti, in Rāja-yoga’s no-mind (amanaska), Advayavajra’s mental non-engagement (s. amanisakāra,t. yid la mi byed pa), etc., Yogindu’s Light of the Supreme Self (Paramātmaprakāśa, Jain tradition) and Offering of Dohās (Dohāpāhuda), Dattātreya’s Avadhūt Gītā, Sureśvara’s Demonstration of non-action (Naiṣkarmyasiddhi), etc. Not doing (karma, effort, ritualism), but knowing was/is the path. Just like Gampopa’s path of direct perception, which may be equivalent to mahāmudrājñāna and the “older” more “radical” forms of “Mahāmudrā” and “Dzogchen”. At least the names of these deeply misunderstood paths are popular in the West, until it will finally dawn upon new converts that the real work (yoga, visionary practices, etc.) has yet to begin, that there is plenty left “to do”, and that “knowing” or “intuiting” is overrated. What would be its purpose?

In fact the experience of the path of direct perception was too simple to be good. Here below it is captured in a four verse fridge magnet formula

“Too close to be recognised,
Too deep to grasp,
Too easy to believe,
Too amazing to be understood intellectually[21].” (Mahamudra reliquary attributed to Khyungpo Neljor)

Khyungpo Neljor’s text finishes by “Homage to ordinary mind”[22]. But knowing “ordinary mind” and mental non-engagement (amanisakāra) were not enough to build an “enlightened” or theocratic society. Because of  the“bridging” and “blending” since the 13th century, when Maitrīpa/Advayavajra and others mention “mental non-engagement” (KD Mathes: “non-conceptual realization”) they imply to mean Tantric “luminous self-empowerment”[23]. And Maitrīpa’s “Non-abiding” (apratiṣṭhāna) madhyamaka”, via Maitrīpa’s student Rāmapāla’s definition of it as “Mental non-engagement” becomes by equivalence “to realise the luminous nature of mind”[24]. The initially negative (apophatic) terms are reinterpreted positively and tantrically in terms of “realization”, within a Guru-student relationship, which comes with a far higher maintenance than an "Introduction".

“Maitrīpa’s student Rāmapāla equates apratiṣṭhāna with mental non-engagement (amanasikāra), a term that Maitrīpa also interprets as luminous self-empowerment. This means that the practitioner not only refrains from projecting mistaken notions (such as an independent existence or characteristic signs) onto anything arisen in dependence, whether skandhas, dhātus, or āyatanas, but also realises the luminous nature of mind. With such a fine blend of mahāmudrā and Madhyamaka, Maitrīpa and his disciples considerably contributed to integrating the new teachings and practices of the great Siddha into mainstream Buddhism.” (Sahajavajra's Integration of Tantra)

Not sure Maitrīpa and his disciples (except perhaps those who went to Tibet) were aware of their considerable contribution. Knowing the “nature of mind” (citta-tva) is not sufficient, the adjective “luminous” seems to have to be added as a marker. A marker of what? A marker of “Tantric Mahāmudrā”, or “deification”. All this goes far beyond the meaning and intention of “inattention”, “mental non-engagement”, “non-thinking”, “non-mentation”, etc. (amanasikāra). Non-abiding and mental non-engagement point towards non-identification as per the Dhātuvibhaṅga-sutta (Majjhima Nikaya 140), rather than any identification with or noetical realization of the Divine or with “Light”, in all its many forms, evoking different things to different persons. Obviously the potential of dependent origination and emptiness, and even Tantric “luminosity”, can be “blended” with anything, but why would a Buddhist (including Advayavajra) identify with whatever “positive” seems to come out of that? Abide “in it”, “realize” “it”?

Unless the bridging and blending is part of the Vaiṣṇava conspiracy to ultimately bring “atheist Buddhists” to “believe in God in the form of Lord Buddha”[25]?


Conclusion

I don’t like writing conclusions because I merely want to make myself and others aware of things that may be overlooked, in this case what I consider to be Advayavajra’s singularity. I have no proof for Advayavajra’s “change of mind” that his hagiographies mention, but I tend to think there may be some truth to it. I am not sure everything attributed to Advayavajra has indeed been authored by him. I am not sure Advayavajra has one and the same Tantric message to convey in all the writings attributed to him. I am not sure either that all those said to have been his students were indeed his students and/or are representing or trying to represent Advayavajra’s single one message. If there indeed was a “change of mind” in Advayavajra’s life, some students may have followed him in it, and others not. Trying to follow myself both a “path of inference” and a “path of direct perception”, I look at Advayavajra’s writings with the bias of these paths. Texts written from a “path of blessing” perspective are intriguing and open to interpretation for me, just as they must have been for Buddhist teachers around the first millennium. I particularly value the emphasis and revaluation of the human body and experience of immanence found in some Tantric writings. However, I do not perceive the body as an ontologically subtle luminous entity, except as temporary mental images one may cultivate during practice.

Maitrīpa, finally a vidyādhara, Himalayan Art HA60674

I accept that others, the huge majority of Tibetan Buddhism and Tibetan hagiography, may look at Advayavajra’s or “Maitrīpa’s” works from a different perspective, and find him more useful as a Tantric vidyādhara -- one more -- very similar to Nāropa, and in fact consider that Advayavajra and Nāropa both teach the same realization of the luminous nature of mind following the “four mudrā” method. For both teachers, the guru plays a key role. What is it that “enables a direct realisation of true reality [tattva]” ? We find various expressions implying a different function of a guru. A transmission through “the words of the guru” (s. guruvāgan), “the blessing of the guru” (t. bla ma’i byin rlabs, s. guru-anugraha), “the kindness/favour of the guru” (t. bla ma’i bka’ drin, s. guruprasāda). The blessing (s. anugraha) and the kindness (s. prasāda) of the guru are terms that are commonly used within a Tantric or initiatory (s. dīkṣā) context. The “words of the guru” are more open to interpretation and it seems to me that for Advayavajra/Advaya-Avadhūtipa, and more specifically Sahajavajra, it may refer to the method of Introduction (t. ngo sprod). Not through inference, not through “blessing” or “kindness/favour”, but through directly pointing out and perceiving the nature of mind (s. citta-tva), “luminosity”, or alternatively “radiance” or “clarity”, being only one of mind’s experiences[26], and not its ontological essence (-mātra), in the form of a Luminous Self with its luminous structure, symbolically represented.

The “three realms” are three concretisations of mind (citta). Kāmadhātu (desire realm), Rūpadhātu (form realm), and Arūpyadhātu (formless realm), when the triple experience of the nature of mind, bliss (sukha), clarity (prabhāsvara) and non-thought (nirvikalpa) is not recognized as such. If it is recognized as such, bliss is the adornment (alaṃkāra) of nirmāṇakāya, clarity of saṃbhogakāya and non-thought of dharmakāya. To single out clarity/luminosity and make it into a single essence seems to be mistaken from the point of view of a triple world, a triple experience of the nature of mind, and the three kāyas of one that sees them as they are.

***​

[1] Dharmadharmatāvibhāga and Ratnagotravibhāga.

[2] The four mudrā and four moments are first mentioned in the Hevajra Tantra (8-9th century) and are explained in its commentaries, in particular the Caturmudrānvaya (phyag rgya bzhi'i man ngag), attributed to “Nāgārjuna” and translated into Tibetan by Marpa lotsawa (11th century). I am not aware of translations into other languages. Obviously, “Nāgārjuna”, the author of the commentary is not the famous 2nd century Nāgārjuna, but the Tantric Nāgārjuna.

[3] “Die Geschichten der Vierundachtzig Zauberer Mahāsiddhas”, Albert Grünwedel, 1916.

[4] Indian Esoteric Buddhism, A Social History of the Tantric Movement, Ronald M. Davidson, Columbia University Press, 2002, p. 117

[5] See Indian Esoteric Buddhism, p. 327. See also Vajradhara’s Prediction (chapter I of the Samdhivyakarana-nama-tantra (t. dgongs pa lung bstan pa zhes bya ba’i rgyud), an Explanatory Tantra of the Guhyasamāja, and my French translation in Le Guide du Naturel, Sahajasiddhi-paddhati, Yogi Ling, 2017 p. 151

“In the first instance, the potential for publicly enacting the self-glorification inherent in the yogin's visualization of himself as divine was given a devastating review by the anonymous authors of the "commentarial scriptures" within the first century of this doctrine's articulation. The most trenchant critique I have encountered is in the Sandhivyakarana-tantra, which is a late eighth- or early ninth-century lengthy expansion on the Guhyasamaja, an eighth-century tantra that has been cited throughout our investigation of the siddhas' world. In the middle of a longer discussion of potential problems, the scripture en- gages in a strong broadside on the self-absorption of mantrins employing the esoteric system for their own personal glorification.” Indian Esoteric Buddhism

[6] Saraha’s Sahaja Tradition in the Light of the Dohakosa Commentary by a Nepalese (?) Advayavajra, from Sahaja the Role of Dohā & Caryāgīti in the Cultural Indo-Tibetan Interface, Buddhist World Press, 2015

“To sum up, it has been shown that the Advayavajra who has authored this commentary to Saraha’s Dohās is not only someone other than Maitrīpa, but that he also differs from the latter in a crucial interpretation of the Tantras, that is, the sequence of the four joys. Moreover, while Tibetan commentaries tend to relativize Saraha´s critical attitude towards all forms of religion (including Buddhism), Advayavajra fully elaborates on this attitude without restriction. This is most evident by the fact that he lists Buddhism as among the six systems of philosophy to be criticized and by quoting a Sūtra which warns that all future Buddhist monks will belong to the retinue of Māra. It is clear, however, that Advayavajra endorses, still within a Buddhist context, a goal called co-emergent nature or simply the co-emergent, while his favored path is the immediate realization of this goal through the pith instructions of a genuine guru. I would thus even go further than Bagchi´s Sahajay a to name this system of instruction, and use Advayavajra´s designation “Sahaja Tradition.”

[7] Deb ther sngon po, smad cha, p. 987, “do ha dang grub snying gi skor dang*/ kun tu bzang po’i spyod pa byed tshul rnams ‘brom la gsungs pa las”.
For Gö Lotsawa and those after him, the “grub snying” seems to refer to the “Seven Demonstrations” (t. Grub pa sde bdun s. Saptasiddhi-saṅgraha) and the “Three Hearts” (t. snying po skor gsum). Gö Lotsawa mentions there was a translation, by ‘Brom, of at least the Jñānasiddhi (ye shes grub pa, T2219), The Demonstration of Gnosis, one of the Seven Demonstrations texts, attributed to Indrabhūti. It is possible that Atiśa’s transmission (1042) was “limited” to Saraha’s Dohākośagīti (and Commentary?) and Indrabhūti’s Jñānasiddhi, and that grub-snying (Siddhi-Hṛdaya) in this context referred to these two texts ?

[8] “The Blue Annals” by George N. Roerich (1902-1960) and Gendün Chöphel (1903–1951), p. 844, Chapter XI on Mahāmudrā.

[9] Dreaming the Great Brahmin: Tibetan Traditions of the Buddhist Poet-Saint Saraha, Kurtis R. Schaeffer, Oxford University Press, 2005, p. 61

[10] Shangpa Texts, Volume KA, p. 180 and following ones. ngas sgrub thabs dang chos drug 'di mi bshad pa'i dam bca' gcig byas yod gsungs pas p. 182

[11] Tshogs chos yon tan phun tshogs : rje dwags po rin po che'i zhal nas/ lam rnam pa gsum yin gsung*/ de la lam rnam pa gsum ni/ rjes dpag lam du byed pa dang*/ byin rlabs lam du byed pa dang*/ mngon sum lam du byed pa dang gsum yin gsung*/ de la rjes dpag lam du byed pa ni/ chos thams cad gcig dang du bral gyi gtan tshigs kyis gzhigs nas/ 'gro sa 'di las med zer nas thams cad stong par byas nas 'jog pa ni rjes dpag go /lha'i sku bskyed pa'i rim pa la brten nas rtsa rlung dang thig le dang*/ sngags kyi bzlas brjod la sogs pa byin rlabs kyis lam mo/ /mngon sum lam du byed pa ni bla ma dam pa cig gis sems nyid lhan cig skyes pa chos kyi sku 'od gsal bya ba yin gsung ba de lta bu nges pa'i don gyi gdams ngag phyin ci ma log pa cig bstan pas/ rang la nges pa'i shes pa lhan cig skyes pa de la lta spyod sgom gsum ya ma bral bar gnyug ma'i shes pa lam du khyer ba ni mngon sum lam du byed pa'o/ /lam gsum la 'jug pa'i gang zag ni gnyis te/ rim gyis pa dang*/ cig char ba'o/ /cig char ba ni/ nyon mongs pa la sogs pa mi mthun pa'i bag chags srab pa/ chos kyi bag chags mthug pa sbyangs pa can gyi gang zag la zer ba yin te/ de shin tu dka' ba yin/ nga ni rim gyis par 'dod pa yin gsung*/

[12] 'o na phyag rgya chen po ngo sprod sgom pa 'di tsug yin pas/sems nyid lhan cig skyes pa chos kyi sku dang*/snang ba lhan cig skyes pa chos sku'i 'od/sems rig pa'i ngo bo 'di rtogs na sangs rgyas/ma rtogs na 'khor ba yin

[13] gsum pa snying po'i lugs ni/ snying po rdo rje'i ye shes 'bebs pa yis// dbang rab smin grol dus gcig 'byung ba'o// snga ma gnyis ka las zab cing ngo mtshar la khyad par rmad du byung ba zab mo'i snying po btsan thabs su rtogs pa'i lam ni, rtogs ldan gyi bla mas skal ldan gyi slob ma ches dbang rnon du gyur pa la rdo rje ye shes kyi dbang gi byin rlabs 'bebs pa tsam gyis, tha mal shes pa snying dbus su sad nas rtogs grol dus mnyam du 'gyur bas spros bcas kyi thabs dang sbyangs pa'i rtsol ba la ma ltos pa'i phyir, bka' brgyud che bzhi chung brgyad kyi grub thob sa chen po'i rdul tsam byon pa'i rnam thar dang lag rjes mngon sum snang ba 'di nyid yin cing

Treasury of Knowledge (shes bya kun khyab), mi rigs dpe skrun khang) in three volumes, 1982 (ISDN M17049(3)28). volume III (smad cha), pages 375 - 390.

[14] bKa' babs bdun ldan p. 566, "da ni ral gri la sogs pa grub pa brgyad bsgrubs nas/ tshe bskal par gnas pa'i rig pa 'dzin pa bya snyam rdzas bsgrubs pas grub pa'i ltas byung ba na/ shA bA ris sdigs 'dzub mdzad pas thal bar song / da khyod sgyu ma des ci bya gnas lugs kyi don rgya cher shod ces gsung ba bzhin.”

[15] “The most well-known text of the cycle is probably "Ten Verses on Reality" (Tattvadaśaka, De kho na nyid bcu pa), wherein Maitrīpa explains Tantric concepts, such as 'radiance' (prabhāsvara, 'od gsal), through the Madhyamaka philosophy of emptiness.” Ulrich T. Kragh, Yogas of Nāropa,2015, p. 73

[16] The four mudrās are originally a Hevajra Tantra concept.

[17] A Fine Blend of Mahāmudrā and Madhyamaka Maitrīpa’s Collection of Texts on Non-conceptual Realization (Amanasikāra), KD Mathes, p. 43. ādikarma refers to the five perfections other than the prajñāpāramitā.

[18] dka' gdams chos bzhi or gtad sa bzhi: blo phug chos la gtad// chos phug sprang la gtad// sprang phug shi la gtad// shi phug brag khung skam po la gtad.

“Direct your mind to the dharma.
Conduct your dharma practice in poverty.
Stay poor until you die.
Die in a lonely cave.”

Drops of Nectar, Khenpo Kunpal’s Commentary on Shantideva’s Entering the Conduct of the Bodhisattvas, Volume One, 2004

[19] Kragh, Yogas of Naropa (2015), p. 229 Tibetan Yoga and Mysticism: A Textual Study of the Yogas of Naropa and Mahamudra Meditation in the Medieval Tradition of Dags po

“The question of when to practice and achieve realization is underlined by contrasting sayings from an unspecified (Bka' gdams pa) dge bshes and Mi la ras pa. Even if the radiance ('od gsal) of the nature of the mind is not fully grasped in the interim, a practitioner who has successfully given rise to seeing the essence (ngo bo mthong ba) will in future lives have a special meditative ability (ting nge 'dzin khyad par can). Such an individual is said to be someone supported by a past accumulation (bsags pa'i rgyab can). Consequently, the practitioner ought now to strive towards realizing radiance in the interim and even if that should fail he will consequently be in a position to achieve full realization in a future life. It is said that no teaching is more important than this.” p. 475

[20] Introduction, Chants de plénitude, Joy Vriens, éditions Yogi-Ling, 2015

[21] de nyid skyon bzhi dang bral bar bya ste/
chos sku dang 'du 'bral med kyang /
nye drags pas ngo ma shes/
rang la shar kyang zab drags pas ngos ma zin/
sla drags pas yid ma ches par yengs med dang bral lo/

[22] yid la mi byed re dogs kun bral ba'i/
tha mal shes pa khyod la phyag 'tshal lo/

[23] Klaus-Dieter Mathes, Sahajavajra's integration of Tantra into mainstream Buddhism, p. 138


[24] A Fine Blend of Mahāmudrā and Madhyamaka Maitrīpa’s Collection of Texts on Non-conceptual Realization (Amanasikāra), KD Mathes, 2015, p. 1

“The collection of twenty-six texts on non-conceptual realization (in the following referred to as the amanasikāra cycle) is the result of blending the essence and tantric mahāmudrā teachings of Saraha, Nāgārjuna and Śavaripa with a particular form of Madhyamaka philosophy, called ‘non-abiding’ (apratiṣṭhāna), which aims at radically transcending any conceptual assessment of true reality. This goal is achieved by “withdrawing one’s attention” (amanasikāra) from anything that involves the duality of a perceived and perceiver. The result is a “luminous selfempowerment,” Maitrīpa’s (986-1063)2 final tantric analysis of amanasikāra.”

[25] Bhaktivedanta Vedabase. 

Tataḥ kalau sampravṛtte sammohāya suradviṣām |
Buddho nāmnāñjanasutaḥ kīkaṭeṣu bhaviṣyati || 24 || (Śrīmadbhāgavatapurāṇa 03)

Commentary by Bhaktivedanta Vedabase :

“Lord Buddha preached nonviolence, taking pity on the poor animals. He preached that he did not believe in the tenets of the Vedas and stressed the adverse psychological effects incurred by animal-killing. Less intelligent men of the Age of Kali, who had no faith in God, followed his principle, and for the time being they were trained in moral discipline and nonviolence, the preliminary steps for proceeding further on the path of God realization. He deluded the atheists because such atheists who followed his principles did not believe in God, but they kept their absolute faith in Lord Buddha, who himself was the incarnation of God. Thus the faithless people were made to believe in God in the form of Lord Buddha. That was the mercy of Lord Buddha: he made the faithless faithful to him.”

[26] bDe gsal mi rtog pa gsum.